Archive for March, 2008

March Out Like the Lion (In Zimbabwe, That Is)

Friday, March 28th, 2008

I’ve been fielding a few requests for my evaluation of this weekend’s elections in Zimbabwe. There are scholars and journalists out there with more recent experience in Zimbabwe whose views I’d trust more than mine. Still, here’s how I laid it out in response to a query from a Brazilian journalist.

Q: Can the opposition win the election?

1) Can Morgan Tsvangirai gain a sufficiently strong majority of the vote that vote-rigging becomes implausibly difficult? If he only gets a small majority, I think it’s a given that the vote will be rigged in favor of Robert Mugabe. If he polls 60-65% or above, that becomes more difficult in technical terms. I don’t think Simba Makoni has a chance to poll a solid majority. Hence my second question:

2) Will Makoni and Tsvangirai split the vote to a meaningful extent? If they do, was that the intention all along?

I am not normally a conspiracy theorist, but Zimbabwean politics makes certain kinds of conspiracies plausible. One thing that Mugabe and his closest advisors have excelled at in the past thirty years, even before Zimbabwean independence, was pitting potential rivals against one another. The Zimbabwean intelligence service has also been involved in some deviously brilliant disinformation and covert action campaigns from time to time. So it is not entirely implausible that Makoni’s run was a deliberate strategy for splitting the vote and creating a credible scenario for Mugabe to win. At the very least, Mugabe and his inner circle can’t have overlooked the possible usefulness of his candidacy.

But it is also possible that Makoni represents a substantial if quiet faction of ZANU-PF that wants to substantially reform the government and try to competently manage the economy. In which case, the question is whether that faction can quietly or secretly mobilize sufficient support for him to have a solid plurality showing in the vote. Or whether they’re just putting Makoni forward to burnish his credentials as a reformer with the hope that he can be a compromise selection for president after a tainted election, or can help form a coalition between reform elements within ZANU-PF and the MDC if Tsvangarai wins.

3) If Tsvangirai wins a strong majority, will Mugabe stand down? I honestly don’t know, and I don’t think anyone else knows either. Certainly some of Mugabe’s loyalists in the police and military have hinted that they will not permit Tsvangirai to take power, but if comes to a showdown, I don’t think anyone knows whether Mugabe commands sufficient force or whether the military and police might split over the issue. This is one of the scenarios where I could imagine Makoni becoming President. If the military and police visibly split, or if they say they will not allow Tsvangarai to hold office, then it’s possible that mediators (probably South African) might argue for Makoni as a compromise candidate with strong MDC representation in his cabinet.

Q: Who still supports Mugabe?

The usual argument you will hear is that rural voters are strongly loyal to Mugabe. I actually don’t think that this is true, at least not as we usually understand party loyalty in liberal democracies. I think it is more that the Zimbabwean state is able to command and coerce rural citizens fairly effectively in terms of their formal interactions with the government, such as elections. In many districts, both chiefs and government officials (who are also ZANU-PF members) are able to order people to vote a particular way and have a reasonable expectation that their orders will be obeyed. The mechanisms of coercion range from fairly crude threats of violence to the dispersal of resources (including food) to those who toe the line. It’s very hard for the MDC or any other opposition to operate openly in most rural communities, so it is equally hard to gauge how much support they might have in a truly open political system.

That being said, ZANU-PF does have genuine loyalists in rural areas. The bedrock of the party’s support, however, comes from government officials, bureaucrats and others who are dependent upon the party’s largesse and are fearful of what might happen if control over the bureaucracy changes hands. The patron-client relations that ZANU-PF has honed to a fine edge have been the key to its grip on governmental power.

——–

Looking further ahead in my crystal ball, if Tsvangirai were to be recognized as the winner and actually took office, is he going to be able to reverse the dismal course of Zimbabwe’s history since 1997? Personally, I’m pessimistic, both because I think outsiders overestimate the degree to which Zimbabwe’s tailspin is all the consequence of Mugabe’s personal malice and incompetence. I think it has as much to do with the aging core leadership of ZANU-PF and a narrow slice of the upper bureaucracy. It will take more than an electoral victory to fix that problem. Something short of a revolution but beyond modest policy reforms. A reinvention of the Zimbabwean state, a reformation of the social ethics of the elite, a rejection of the nationalist imagination as it was defined in the 1970s. I think some of the people in the MDC see this wider canvas, but I’ve never really heard it clearly from Tsvangirai himself.

Still, anything would be a step up from Mugabe and his cronies. Hope springs eternal.

Out of Pocket

Friday, March 28th, 2008

Last night, I was searching through my iPod for some of the African music I’ve ripped from my CD collection, to play briefly in class today. Unfortunately, some of what we’ve got is on old vinyl records that I’ve never transferred into digital formats, and in particular a couple of albums by Franco.

So I took a whirl onto iTunes. I normally avoid buying from iTunes, but in this case, it was a quick, useful way to get two Franco tracks onto my iPod for class today. I could have spent only a fractionally greater amount of time and gone over to our music library to get the one Franco recording we have in our collection, though.

I was thinking about this a bit later, though: it made me think of all the times that I’ve bought things primarily for classroom use, sometimes to compensate for rushed or insufficient planning on my part. Books, mostly, but sometimes other media. I don’t really keep track of this, nor do I seek reimbursement. I’m kind of careless about that kind of thing in general: it’s part of my absent-minded professorhood.

However, I’m curious about whether this is totally aberrant behavior. You hear from time to time about K-12 teachers who buy supplies or materials for their classes, either because their own schools absolutely won’t or simply because it’s more convenient and doesn’t involve having to hassle with the bureaucracy for an oddball or idiosyncratic teaching plan.

The Veil

Tuesday, March 25th, 2008

Oso Raro and Tenured Radical underline one of the biggest problems with the tenure system in academia: its mystery.

They’re both trying to write about a controversial tenure case at the University of Michigan, to understand the seeming mismatch between the public transcript of the candidate’s accomplishments and the private decisions of the candidate’s colleagues. The problem is that there is no way to know about the second. A person who is denied tenure can go public with his or her reading, but the people involved in the denial can’t, regardless of whether they acted in good faith or not. Maybe there’s something we don’t know. Maybe there isn’t, and the public reading is all that we need to know that something went wrong. The uncertainty drives both outsiders and insiders mad with distraction. It makes it hard on the people being tenured or denied tenure: you want to go public, reveal, to say, “There is nothing unknown here, no private secret”.

The more you know about how tenure works as a system at your own institution, and at others, the less you can speak about its workings. I don’t feel I can talk in even heavily redacted terms about cases I’ve known directly (here and elsewhere) because that violates an essential commitment to confidentiality. The more cases you’ve seen in your own institution and throughout your discipline, the more you can imagine that there is something important about a given case that no outsider knows, but also the more you can imagine that something unfair happened in any given case.

The problem isn’t just mystery, though. It’s also mystification, the extent to which the parochial imagination of many academics leads them to believe that there is something different about the professoriate. In some ways, there is absolutely nothing unique about the confidentiality of the tenure system. When middle managers and professionals in other workplaces are fired, the same asymmetry of information applies. The person who is fired can choose to make a public stink about it, and that will circulate to the extent that the person is well-known in their profession or their community. The organization doing the firing often can’t say much about it for legal and professional reasons. By comparison, the tenure system is typically less arbitrary, more procedural, more knowable. If I were a vice-president at a bank–or even a senior administrator or adjunct faculty at a university–I could be terminated in much more unexpected, unfair or capricious fashion. You can object to the practice of firing people for anything but serious, documentable non-performance of their duties, but at that point, you’re really objecting philosophically to any labor market, objecting to termination as the whip hand of any kind of labor.

What makes tenure more fraught is not its secrecy, but its proceduralism. If I’m the bank vice-president, I can tell friends, colleagues and future employers that I was fired over a matter of principle, or by a boss whose ego was threatened, or because my bank was downsizing, or for other arbitrary reasons, and have all those narratives be perfectly credible. The existence of a lengthy dossier with evaluations from local colleagues, outside experts and students, a dossier evaluated in two or three or four separate confidential processes, seems to make the decision less arbitrary.

What makes tenure more fraught is also its consequences. There are a lot of banks and a lot of bank vice-presidencies, and a lot of other jobs that a bank vice-presidency might lead to. In some fields of academic study, there are perhaps no more than fifty to one hundred jobs total worldwide for which one might be qualified, many of them occupied by tenured faculty who can be expected to teach in those positions for the next two decades or more. For each open position, there will be many candidates, and anyone with a tenure denial on their record is at a disadvantage. Academics train for six or seven years, search for jobs for three or four years, teach for another six or seven, and then face the possibility of having to start over, in some cases with a near-total loss of the time invested in between. And that’s if you get lucky enough to get a tenure-track position in the first place, since the conditions of academic labor outside the tenure-track are exceptionally poor.

With or without tenure, however, confidentiality is still going to be an issue in academic life, as it is in all modern institutions. How do you document processes and decisions which by their nature cannot be documented? Motivations which remain unspoken, choices that happen by passive assent to an implicit narrative, secrets and silences: all institutions work by these processes as well as by public transcripts, transparent deliberations, honest actors.

Border Guards

Tuesday, March 25th, 2008

I was thinking of writing a One-a-Day post about Tim Weiner’s compelling history of the CIA, Legacy of Ashes. (I’ve been reading books, just not blogging about my reading. I’ll catch up soon.)

Then I read Stephen Weissman’s critique of the book at TPMCafe, and Weiner’s reply to Weissman.

If you read the sharp exchange between the two authors, you might be surprised at the mismatch of the tone to the substance. Weissman puts on an injured tone in replying to Weiner’s response to him, but take a look at his original post: he asks if Weiner’s book indicates that the standards for investigative reporting are slipping, he says that Weiner’s book contains “gross distortions”, says he is “shocked” by the mishandling of evidence. Weiner fires back with some very strong adjectives of his own, as well as an accusation that Weissman is carrying water for people inside the CIA.

What’s the substance? Primarily it’s about Weiner’s interpretation of a statement by Eisenhower that includes the phrase “legacy of ashes”. That’s what Weissman thinks is the “smoking gun” of gross distortion, that Weiner has made Eisenhower out to be a critic of the CIA when he really wasn’t. There’s a bigger disagreement in Weissman’s original post about whether the CIA has had some successes in covert action, but Weissman clearly recognizes that that particular argument is and will always remain a matter of interpretation, that it can’t be reduced to simple charges of inaccurate quotation.

This past week, I spent some time talking with students in my classes about the need to control their use of adverbs and adjectives so that they don’t get drawn into an implicit argument that they didn’t mean to make because of the intensity of their word choice. And yet here we have a scholar using words like “gross distortion” and “shocking”, a scholar who is criticizing another author on points of fine detail and calling for precision.

You can always tell when a serious scholarly pissing match is about to kick off in a journal or a listserv or a conference panel: it’s exactly when you see this mismatch between the intensity of the adjectives used by one scholar to describe his opponent and the alleged errors being described. Reading the exchange between Weissman and Weiner, I’m almost convinced that Weissmann is right that Weiner is bending the Eisenhower quote a bit, though once things get to this intensity of disagreement, I don’t blindly trust anyone’s representation of the source material. But it’s not much of a bending, really, and it amounts to next to nothing compared to the book as a whole. If this is what Weissman has to lead with in making a claim of “gross distortion”, the case for the prosecution is really weak. The book as a whole is strongly researched, compellingly written and forcefully argued. Getting caught up on a handful of quotes is petty.

The real challenge, if Weissman disagrees about the overall argument, is to deal with the overall argument not in terms of inaccuracy and accuracy but in philosophical terms. Weissman believes as a matter of principle that covert action (as opposed to intelligence gathering) is possible, and that the CIA has succeeded at times with covert action. Weiner, if I read him right, is fundamentally skeptical about covert action. That’s not a disagreement that’s easily resolved on the facts: it runs far deeper.

Another example of where the disagreement ought to be more collegial and subtle: Weissman is right that Weiner isn’t much interested in the technological improvement of intelligence in the last fifty years. As I read Weiner’s book, that’s partly because he thinks the intelligence-gathering work of the CIA doesn’t pose a philosophical problem, just a technical one, and that the real issue is with human intelligence and analysis, with the interpretation of the intention and interior deliberations of other governments, or with subjective readings of the state of other societies. It is up to Weissman to argue about why signals intelligence compensates for those problems if he feels that Weiner’s lack of interest in intelligence technology is a major issue. That’s an interesting disagreement, the kind of rising tide that floats all boats.

If this was a case of two scholars working in a field who basically had a friendly relationship, the kind of points that Weissman makes about Weiner’s work could be tossed off in a genial, collegial manner, even if there were some sharp needles buried underneath the cottony surface. Most of the time this is what happens in debates between colleagues who see themselves as part of the same field.

When you see this kind of adjectival intensity associated with such a relatively picayune point, one of two things is going on. One possibility is that there is a major analytic disagreement about the overall substance of a book, and both parties to that disagreement represent substantial schools of thought or factions with a long-running history of antagonism. I think that’s partly the case here.

Or the critic whose tone is mismatched to substance is a gatekeeper: someone accustomed to personal ownership of a given subject, to disciplinary ownership of a subject, or who is trying to keep non-academics off of turf perceived to be a scholarly monopoly. (Sometimes it’s as simple as one scholar who was planning to work on a subject trying to ruin the market value of a competitor’s work.) I think that’s part of what is going on in this exchange: Weiner’s being painted as a trespasser.

Gatekeeping happens a lot in academia, and it’s yet another reason that other professionals sometimes resent the professoriate. Generosity really does seem to me to be the best policy as a matter of professional ethos for scholars, for a whole host of reasons. If we really believe in knowledge production, we’re obligated to be generous and welcoming, and to try and disagree about the main substance of rivalrous works.

Gatekeeping often achieves its goals, however. I know that reading this exchange makes me feel very uncomfortable about what lies ahead for me in my next project, which is a general history of Africa in the Cold War. I’m especially interested in the history of intelligence, and Weissman’s book A Culture of Deference has already been a very valuable, interesting source for me. I’m very conscious that I’m an outsider moving into a heavily inhabited area of specialization. I’m hoping that’s the value I add to the subject, as a cultural and social historian whose usual methodology is wholly qualitative. Anyone who has been around academia long enough, however, knows what is likely to follow when an outsider moves into new territory which is heavily patrolled by intensely protective gatekeepers. Archives can be difficult to access, funding can be hard to come by, anonymous peer reviews will be brutal, and there are inevitably going to be conference panels in the future where bruising attacks will come from the floor. That is enough in many cases to deter scholars from crossing borders, to encourage them to stick to their own social networks and areas of established expertise.

Obama on Race

Tuesday, March 18th, 2008

Come on, this is a great speech. I have no idea whether it’s a great speech tactically: clearly some people will hear or think what they want to hear. But this is one of the few speeches by an American politician in my lifetime that has both elegance and intellectual substance to it.

Additional comments. Look, I’m sure it’s not hard for any of you who read this site to see why I like Obama as much as I do. This speech really captures it. It’s got nothing to do with his race, which is why I found Ferraro’s comments so irritating. Obama’s central argument in this speech very much mirrors the kind of work I’ve tried to do in my own blogging, which is to commit to seeing things as other people see them before I set out to criticize them, as much as I’m able to do. It doesn’t do any good to get on your high horse and complain about all the people in the world that you think are vile and horrible and stupid if they represent some kind of situated, lived world. (I guess you can go ahead and blast someone that you think is uniquely horrible and stupid in their own special individual manner, but that seems a lot of energy for someone who doesn’t matter much in political or intellectual terms.) You have to make the commitment to trying to understand people in their own terms, to find out why certain ways of thinking and speaking and acting flourish in their world. Then you’re entitled to criticize, if you want, but now your criticism is going to be entangled in that understanding of a lived world, and limited by it.

I know some of you think that this vision is a kind of weakness in the face of malevolence. I just don’t see any choice. I’m not saying that both political and intellectual life need this sort of approach because I’m a goody two-shoes. I think this is a kind of pragmatism. This is what politics is, what politics has to be. This is what transformation needs. Otherwise, the best you can hope for are momentary, transient achievements that are destined to be reversed almost as soon as they are accomplished. There isn’t enough power in the greatest political mobilization imaginable to abolish significant groups of people who experience history and society differently than you and people like you experience it.

Smells Like Teen Spirit?

Tuesday, March 18th, 2008

Margaret Soltan linked to an essay by William Deresiewicz, and somehow it got under my skin. I’m having one of those weeks where my to-do list is like the hydra, blossoming items faster than I can accomplish them, so I don’t really have the energy to patiently reply to the Deresiewicz essay itself. It’s a surly little essay. Deresiewicz complains that the teenagers have taken over the English Department. I don’t accept the complaint, but even if so, better that than the kind of prematurely curdled old fartism that he’s serving up.

I’ve found some of his commentary in the past better than this piece, particularly his interesting essay on the erotics of teaching. I think he personally can do better if he wants to complain about the state of academic literary criticism, even in a short article.

I don’t disagree that English as a discipline (and the humanities in general) are in intellectual disarray, and that many departments are adrift in terms of where to go next, or how to distribute their resources. The answer to that problem has got to be something other just turtling back into the high literary canon.

Deresiewicz arrives at a diagnosis of deep disorder though the usual lazy survey of job ads and paper titles. He says he’s “taking the temperature” of the field, but you’d know you had a quack for a doctor if your doctor took your temperature and diagnosed cancer from that alone. You can’t criticize the teaching and publication of a scholar by looking at the language of the job ad that led to that scholar being hired, but that’s what Deresiewicz does. He compiles a list of fields that he finds trendy or worthless merely by name, complains that the optional extras at the end of some job ads are intellectually incoherent. Oh my no! he exclaims. Someone wants “digital humanities” in the English Department, and my god, someone out there is trying to hire specialists in science fiction or children’s literature. What have we come to? Children’s literature! Like the kind of thing those dreck writers Mark Twain and Charles Dickens wrote. Science fiction! How ridiculous.

He does admit that most of these ads are attempts to add competencies or subjects that aren’t represented in the departments which are searching. This might suggest that the writers and subjects which he thinks of as core areas of literary competency are still core areas. He also knows as well as I do (I hope) that the little laundry lists of optional extras at the end of academic job ads are usually a political exercise, an accommodation of different pet interests and desires among the faculty in any given department. They’re never coherent even when they come at the end of an ad which is soberly focused on traditional literary subjects in American or British literature. Those little sentences often aren’t philosophically or theoretically coherent even when they come at the end of a job ad in a sober, internally unified discipline like economics or physics. (This is why I prefer it when departments write much more minimalist ads, even if that often draws a larger pool of applicants.)

Deresiewicz invokes Gerald Graff at the beginning of his essay. Graff has been very sensitive in his writing to the problem of disciplinary and epistemological drift in academic curricula. It’s true that the humanities have a problem with people who are teaching and researching from fundamentally different perspectives who don’t talk to one another or bother to try and construct a dialogic relationship between their disparate practices, the kind of relationship that is a bridge for students who are moving from one classroom to another. The solution to that problem isn’t superficial ridicule of a laundry list of topics and areas of study: it only makes the problem worse. Why should anyone who doesn’t share Deresiewicz’ own practices or interests sit down with him to talk about what they do if all he can offer in return is scorn and the axiomatic belief that his own interests represent the once and future core of a properly composed English Department? (Or in reverse: why should someone with Deresiewicz’ interests sit down with someone who categorically hates the very idea of the canon?) If faculty in the humanities are drifting away from one another and from any conception of a shared discipline, it is precisely because the prospect of sitting down to work out a shared vision seems to be full of risk and hassle with little prospect of success.

Sharp Partisan

Friday, March 14th, 2008

Matthew Yglesias has an interesting piece in the April Atlantic that argues that intense partisan differences between the two major American political parties are a good thing, on balance, that they allow voters to make clear choices and decrease the power of lobbyists and deal-brokers.

It’s an interesting argument. For example, he observes, in the 1960s, you had an impossible problem as a voter if you wanted to vote for a party that would support civil rights legislation, since both parties had segregationist factions, and any forward motion could only come through cross-party coalitions that voters had little ability to reward directly.

I see three problems with the argument as he makes it, however.

1) In a situation where the two parties are strongly and uniformly partisan, you’re going to need a firewall between the elected government and the appointed government, between people I can vote for or against and people who carry out the everyday business of government. The consequences of partisanship are one thing on the floor of Congress and another thing when we’re talking about United States Attorneys in regional positions all across the country.

2) Yglesias notes that the era of consensus politics made it difficult for many voters to clearly express their preferences because the parties were so heterogenous in their ideological composition. However, an era of partisan politics makes it difficult for voters who have an ideological preference for pragmatism and compromise to express their preferences. If I want the government to consistently work to outlaw abortion or to more aggressively manage the economy, partisan politics makes it easier for me to match my vote with outcomes. If I want the government to adopt a pragmatic mix-and-match range of policies that are prudentially matched to particular problems or issues, however, partisan politics makes it harder for me to match my preferences to a party while also making the kind of candidate that I might prefer a more endangered species.

3) To some extent, I think Yglesias may be misidentifying fundamental social cleavages as if they were artifacts of party competition in the political system. The distribution of segregationist views across both parties in the 1960s, for example, might have had little to do with party politics and a lot to do with the fact that there were distinctly different populations of white voters in different regions who happened to agree on their support for segregationist policies despite the fact that their support stemmed from different historical roots. If parties are more internally aligned today, that might simply be because the social coalitions that support those parties are, for the moment, clearer about the reasons for their alliance. I think it’s entirely possible that both major parties will be dealing with rising discomfort at their social foundations, particularly if the economy continues to struggle with long-term structural weakness: the Republicans may see religious conservatives and business-class voters split, while the Democrats may see even more exaggerated splits between affluent educated urban voters and the traditional union and working-class base of the party. The more that such social antagonisms express themselves in the parties, the less likely you are to see clear partisan distinctions between them.

Why Referee?

Thursday, March 13th, 2008

I agree with Henry Farrell’s skepticism about Tyler Cowen’s view of the motivation for doing peer review.

Cowen argues that in a truly open-access system, the major motivation for doing peer review would likely fade away, that the reason why people do it now is essentially to build a small reserve of cultural capital that’s particular to an influential journal, that if you don’t do it for that journal, you’re afraid that you’ll be shut out of publishing in it later.

This doesn’t seem at all right in my experience. Maybe that’s because the humanities and some of the social sciences are more directed towards a fetish about the book, and have less of a sense that any given journal is a central reservoir of disciplinary prestige.

When I agree to referee, however, I really am not and never did think about building a relationship with that particular journal. I honestly think one of my motivations is just to do my share of a job I know needs to be done, to be a good citizen. (I’ll freely add that I must annoy the hell out of editors, as I’m frequently late on these tasks, partly because I say yes naively to many queries in the fall and then find myself so anxious about the to-do list that I get a bit paralyzed. YES I’M ALMOST DONE WITH MY REVIEWS, if you’re reading. This is just a little break. Really.)

My second motivation that I’m conscious about is that I’m often trying to help out a friend, a colleague, or some new person in the field who is the author of the article I’ve been sent. That still holds even if it’s a blind review: I’m aware that there’s somebody out there who needs this done, and I hope I can do it in a way that’s helpful. This does not mean I always write positive peer reviews, but I try not to be destructive or petty.

That, however, strikes me as being at least another major motivation that some people have to do reviews, namely, to exert a fairly tight-fisted control over their own disciplines or specializations. I suppose that’s a status-return of a kind, but it’s the kind that economists often have trouble understanding, because it is more about power and less about reward.

The closest thing to what Cowen’s writing about that I can think of is that very junior scholars may agree to peer review as a way of becoming a known figure in their disciplines. It’s not so much that you’re looking for the quid-pro-quo of access to the journal for which you review, but simply that you want to get your name into circulation. Peer reviewing when you’re a newly minted Ph.D. is also a kind of induction into the deeper mysteries of academic sociology, just as sitting on your first search committee can be. You learn by being a peer reviewer what goes on when you yourself are peer reviewed.

Finally, at least for me and maybe for other faculty at undergraduate-only institutions, peer reviewing is a way to stay in touch with work that is coming from graduate students and junior faculty, to get a sense of the movement of scholarly work in your field. The time lag in academic publication cycles means that if you wait until you read something that is formally published, it’s usually about six to eight years behind many conversations within research universities.

Midlife Crisis Man to the Rescue!

Thursday, March 13th, 2008

Belle Waring, riffing off of Cala from Unfogged, imagines a political wife who spontaneously develops superpowers and vaporizes her cheating spouse on-camera with laser-beam eyes.

This made me realize that there are very few regular comic-book superheroes whose powers spring from the middle-aged traumas of adulthood that often drive serious mainstream fiction. The only two big examples I can think of are Dr. Strange and Iron Man, with Dr. Strange being a good example of just how cool this concept potentially could be. (There’s Nite Owl from Watchmen, also, but he’d be hard to write as a continuing character in a regular comic-book series.) Bruce Banner, Reed Richards and Ben Grimm got their powers as mature adults, but in Banner’s case, as his character developed over time, it turned out that his transformation into the Hulk was the result of being abused as a child. There wasn’t anything particularly traumatic about Reed Richards’ transformation. Ben Grimm’s transformation really isn’t the expression of some prior adult crisis, it IS the adult crisis.

Given the aging demographic of comic readership, you’d think there could be a real niche for more Dr. Strange-type characters, adults whose fundamentally grown-up crisis triggers a transformation. (The new Dr. Fate over at DC is being developed along these lines, for example.) Enough with your mutants-are-a-metaphor-for-puberty and your childhood traumas! Bring on the wronged wives, laid-off middle managers, failed novelist alcoholics, alienated suburbanites, nervous breakdown bank vice-presidents and get them into costume!

From the Desk of HRC

Wednesday, March 12th, 2008

Dear White Pennsylvanians:

Barack Obama is a Negro. We think maybe you hadn’t noticed.

Yours,

Geraldine Ferraro
Ed Rendell
Bill Clinton
and other to-be-disavowed supporters yet-to-be-named.