GTA IV

April 30th, 2008

I’m not actually a big fan of the Grand Theft Auto games, though like a lot of gamers I find the relatively open structure of the gameplay in the series compelling. It’s a personal thing, not something that I’m inclined to be a scold about, but gangster-related popular culture usually doesn’t appeal to me. Even The Sopranos doesn’t grab me as much as it does other people. To some extent, the whole subgenre has felt played out to me since Goodfellas, and I find it boring even when it’s very well done.

That said, I am playing GTA IV, and right off the bat it has definitely grabbed my attention more than its predecessors. Maybe somehow the weird combination of vintage Saturday Night Live Wild-and-Crazy Guys plus Borat in the voice work and portrayal of Niko and Roman is more appealing to me than previous GTA protagonists and their surroundings were. Yes, maybe I’m a classic liberal wuss in that regard: politically correct until it’s Eastern European white guys getting stereotyped? Though honestly, Niko feels like a much more interesting, realistic character to me than Carl Johnson. I like the brooding eyes, the references to the war in the Balkans, and so on. Also: I cannot say exactly why, but somehow hearing Roman spontaneously exclaim “sheety fuck!” in his stereotyped accent when I hit a fire hydrant, light pole and pedestrian while driving like a maniac was just very funny.

Maybe it’s not the accent, but the appropriately dynamic way the world reacts to what you do. That has always been a part of the GTA games, but this time, it really grabs me. Forget driving: I’m finding it fun just to walk in the game. The body language, overheard conversations, look of the alternate-universe NYC, it all feels both gritty and cartoonish all at once, hyperreal.

On the other hand: I started playing while my wife was sitting there working on her laptop. (After our daughter went to sleep.) The misogynistic material is so extreme and to me not particularly funny that I went to headphones as soon as possible. In all honesty, I’d actually like to see an iteration of GTA with a female protagonist with the same raw, satiric tone but flipping a lot of the gendered material. Thelma and Louise GTA? Also in a way a GTA with a protagonist like Michael Douglas’ character in Falling Down could be kind of interesting (though that was a crappy film); maybe cross that with something like the show Weeds?

“Made an Interesting Class a Nightmare”

April 30th, 2008

I’m trying to think of sensible, fair-minded things to say about this story (via Margaret Soltan) about a Dartmouth instructor who plans to sue her students for making discriminatory remarks about her pedagogy, but I’m coming up empty. (Here’s the latest news on the story from TheDartmouth.com.)

It’s true that students subconsciously react to the social identity of professors in different ways, sometimes in ways that are frustrating or unfair to the professor. That being said, I can’t think of any way to view this particular case with even the slightest sympathy, especially given the particulars of the emails the instructor sent and the substance of her complaints. This is really someone who needs to look for a different line of work.

Historical Argument From Soup to Nuts

April 25th, 2008

[cross -posted at Cliopatria]

I tell my students that all good research projects and analytical writing have to provide an answer to the question, “So what?”, a justification for the project or the essay. One student asked me if history as a discipline had any stock or standard answers to that question.

I started to list a few that I could think of, and then a few more. I thought I’d try out the results here, to see if readers could knock a few down or add some more.

Many historical monographs answer the question “So what?” in relationship to an established historiography first and foremost. If I publish a new interpretation of state formation in 18th Century Southern Africa before the rise of the Zulu Empire, I may justify my work largely as a response to other scholars who have written about the mfecane and the rise of Shaka’s new Zulu state. However, that historiography as a whole has many more sweeping “so whats” embedded within it, in relationship to contemporary South Africa, to models of state formation within Africa, to arguments about the relationship between environmental and political change. A historian who makes a new claim narrowly directed at a given historiography is often indirectly trying to shift arguments about the larger significance or relevance of the history under review.

Here’s the list I came up with on my first pass. I can think of a lot of works that exemplify arguments #7 and #8, but I couldn’t really think of a book or article that perfectly matched either one.

1. The past is prologue: a contemporary issue or practice has its roots or determinants in the history we are studying. Example: Rick Perlstein, Before the Storm; Fernand Braudel, Civilization and Capitalism;
2. The past is not prologue: a contemporary issue or practice that is commonly understood to be determined by history is not, and we’ll demonstrate that by telling you about that history. Example: Stephanie Coontz, The Way We Never Were; many histories that try to debunk the idea that contemporary ethnic conflicts are based on “ancient tribal hatreds”.
3. The past is analogue: a contemporary issue or problem resembles some past issue or problem; the historical example has just enough distance from our own situation that we understand ourselves better. Barbara Tuchman, A Distant Mirror; Lisa Jardine, Worldly Goods.
4. The past is another country: our own times are made more particular by looking at just how different the past really was. Caroline Bynum, Holy Feast, Holy Fast; Robert Darnton, The Great Cat Massacre; Richard White, The Middle Ground.
5. The past helps us make N as big as possible: it is a source of data for making generalizations, formulating models, constructing claims about human universals. Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs and Steel; David Christian, Maps of Time.
6. The past challenges generalizations, models and universals through attention to particulars and microhistories. Carlo Ginzberg, The Cheese and the Worms.
7. The past is procedural: we study it to learn how dynamic processes or change works out over time (without worry so much about the consequences of the history we are studying).
8. Hindsight is 20/20: we study a frozen moment in time because we can understand far better the total spectrum of social relationships, causal relationships, etc. than we can understand the present (here we choose richly knowable examples to study).
9. Nothing actually ever changes in history; change is an illusion; some systems or practices always remain the same. We study the past the same way we would study the present, to understand a single system which is continuous over time. Andre Gunder Frank, REOrient.
10. The unknowability of the past is humbling: we study it to learn about the permanent limits to our knowledge, or about the difficult range of epistemologies involved in knowing the past. Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Silencing the Past.
11. The past is ideology or discourse: we don’t really study it, we just build powerful contemporary claims from our representations of history. Hayden White, Metahistory.
12. The past is detection: we study it because we like solving puzzles and mysteries. Charles Van Onselen, The Fox and the Flies.
13. The past is entertainment or personal enlightenment: we study it because it has great stories, or because of the pleasures of narrative. John Demos, The Unredeemed Captive.
14. The past is heritage: we study it to form or enforce national, ethnic, religious or personal identity, or to combat attempts to destroy heritage. Gertrude Himmelfarb, The De-Moralization of Society.
15. The past as it is known in modern Western society is anti-heritage: it is associated with imperialism or domination, and we study historiography to combat or contest that domination. Dipesh Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe.
16. The past is memorial: we study (recite it, really) it to honor what people did or sacrificed on our behalf. Tom Brokaw, The Greatest Generation.

Who’s That?

April 24th, 2008

Met with my undergraduate class that is studying digital games in World of Warcraft this week. One of them took an interesting name for his character…

What’s Wrong With “Social Justice”?

April 24th, 2008

I had an interesting conversation with a student about this week where we were supposed to be talking about his work and I ended up hogging the conversation. He was asking me some interesting questions, though, about how I think about policy and intervention and research, and I was thinking through some things on the fly as I spoke.

At one point, I was trying to explain why I get a bit uncomfortable when a college or university (any of them) tries to use first-year orientation or other student life programs to encourage or even mandate attention to social justice, social responsibility or a range of related terms.

A little of my concern is about the extent to which those general and laudable-sounding concepts often end up treated as synonymous with a far more specific laundry list of political and social projects. But as I thought about it after the conversation, I realized I was uneasy for deeper if also vaguer reasons.

Let’s say an academic institution decides it wants its undergraduates to develop a commitment to social responsibility and that orientation is a good place to hammer that point home to them all.

It’s not so much that this is a case of political indoctrination. It’s more that a statement is being made rather than a question being asked. Yes, sure, I know that many staff and faculty at such an occasion are pedagogically savvy enough to use a kind of faux-Socratic approach. If you really mean it, however, you have to seriously leave room for, even encourage, someone to answer the question, “Should we pursue social justice or be socially responsible” by saying, “No”.

There are a lot of “no” answers that have a place at the table, in fact.

No, this is the wrong institution or place for us to be doing that.
No, you (or I or we) are the wrong people to be doing that.
No, this isn’t the right time in our lives to be doing that.
No, we don’t know what is meant by those terms.
No, we don’t know what we need to know to do that the right way.
No, I may want to do that, but I don’t want to do it by working with you.
No, that’s too broad a concept, or too complex an idea to boil down in one discussion.
No, I don’t think it can be done by collective effort.
No, those are private questions.
No, I know more than you do about what those ideas mean, so don’t try to tell me what to do. You should be listening to me instead.
No, this is an elitist institution that is just appropriating the language of social change for its own ends.
No, you’re just being conformist, trendy or offering slogans.
No. Is there a keg anywhere at this meeting?

—————
I’m not saying I encourage any of those answers. I am saying that any time I’m talking about questions of policy or intervention or social action, any time the question “What is to be done?” is part of what I’m doing in class, or anything I’m doing with students, all of those no answers need to be allowable, possible, completely legitimate. When a university bundles something like “social responsibility” into an event where it is also talking about where to park, what your major might be, and how to use your keycard, there’s no space for any of those kinds of replies. I think an institution can lay out a minimal set of requirements for interpersonal behavior that includes mutual tolerance and civility, but it is important not to confuse that with an ongoing commitment to social responsibility.

Back to Not Out of Africa

April 24th, 2008

Maybe because it’s April, I’m in one of my periodic bouts of skepticism about blogging. I spoke earlier this semester to a class about my practice as an online writer, and the occasion made me realize that I’m really starting to feel gun-shy about some discussions of academic policy and scholarship. That’s partly because of a long-time concern about whether I’m repeating myself, but also that I don’t simply want to serve as the perpetual straight man in someone else’s Punch-and-Judy show.

I feel like academic blogging should reflect some of the characteristic, defining virtues of scholarly and intellectual work. No, not densely unreadable prose, not overspecialization, not the proverbial viciousness of small stakes. Thoughtfulness, a commitment to look at issues from many perspectives, a potentially self-critical embrace of skepticism, a belief that knowledge matters. Even if it’s only to keep in practice as a skilled thinker and rhetoritician, an academic blogger ought to be able to get inside the claims and logic of an intellectual with whom they disagree and see how and why those arguments work for that person or school of thought.

If we’re trying to preserve, restore or even invent for the first time a better, more effective and more open academy, those strike me as foundational commitments, whether the goal is a Great Books-based “core curriculum” or an eclectic curriculum with little internal structure or design. No sacred cows, all ideas and claims subject to ongoing skeptical review, all teachers and students committed to both persuading and being open to persuasion. Most importantly, making arguments that are proportional to the evidence or knowledge that we bring to the table, and offered provisionally as a result.

I have some basic theoretical, conceptual, political and institutional predispositions (as we all do) and those tend to incline me in particular ways when I’m thinking about any scholarly or intellectual claim I come across. My confidence level and specificity of argument go way up in certain domains (African history, popular culture, information technology and new media, computer games and virtual worlds, the comparative history of imperialism, the history of hygiene and beauty, and so on). I still feel on solid ground if I’m speaking to claims made in most fields of historical study, or in anthropology, or in cultural studies, but I become more conscious that there may be specific arguments, ideas and facts which I have to be humble about. As I go further away from my own areas of competency, my views may grow more tentative and vague. I still think they’re valuable in that form. I still think I have something worth saying about why civil engineering or neurobiology or quantum mechanics might matter, and what claims they might make which I need to take seriously and which I might view with some skepticism. At that point, however, not only do I need to be humble and know where generalist tools cannot take me, I also need to be genuinely curious, to ask other scholars and intellectuals to explain or translate their knowledge to me and trust in their representations. Up to a point: I don’t have to concede to a particular neurobiologist that human consciousness is nothing more than a machine or an epiphenomena, or trust the civil engineer that public money needs to be spent on one purpose and not another. I do need to understand why they think so, though, and not just blithely override their claims based on more general intuition or inclination.

Excuse the throat-clearing. Some of what got me thinking about these issues was looking back over past entries in preparation for my guest appearance. The immediate goad, though, was a post about classicist Mary Lefkowitz’ work on Afrocentrism, and her new memoir about her experiences after publishing Not Out of Africa.

Whether we’re talking about the original exchanges between Lefkowitz and Martin Bernal or the way that exchange is recalled and repackaged for Culture Wars 2008, I’m frustrated by what is said and unsaid. Let’s start with Lefkowitz’ original book. I found it an interesting and provocative read. I was happy to use it in a number of classes, sometimes paired with a selection from the work of Molefi Kete Asante or Martin Bernal. Lefkowitz was in the eye of the storm, and so I’m not surprised that she understands the book and herself as having been entirely embattled. But away from the author and the Afrocentric intellectuals most strongly antagonized by her work, I think there were a lot of quieter, more thoughtful contexts where her work was read, used, discussed and evaluated within the basically scholarly norms that she has risen to defend. Here I really am repeating myself, but it’s important to underline this point: the most committed antagonists in the culture wars (then and now) habitually take the exceptional for the normal, the extreme practice as representative, highly public incident as quotidian reality. I think Lefkowitz has every right to feel aggrieved about some of what happened to her, and she’s right that there are various third rails waiting to be touched. That’s not the end or even the majority of the story, however.

In that quieter reading, some discussions opened up that weren’t possible in the intense crossfire generated by aggrieved Afrocentrists and aggrieved classicists. Some of these conversations I think Lefkowitz would have welcomed (indeed, some appear in various forms in the companion anthology Black Athena Revisited which she co-edited). For example, there’s a significant difference between Martin Bernal’s claims about the intellectual history of classicist thinking about Greece and Egypt in 19th Century Europe and his empirical claims about classical Greece and Egypt. I think it’s possible to agree that there were some complicatedly racial dimensions of how classical Greece and Egypt were reinvented as subjects of study in 19th Century Western Europe without buying into anything Bernal says about the actual historical relationship between classical Greece and Egypt.

Similarly, as Lefkowitz and many of the contributors to Black Athena Revisited point out, “race” wasn’t a concept that made any sense in classical Egypt or classical Greece, at least not as we understand the term. Egypt by our standards was a multiracial society, but Egyptians of the time wouldn’t have understood that label. What that does signify, however, is that the way we have visually represented Egypt in the West in the last century has often omitted that racial variety. Afrocentric criticism often obsesses about that omission in terms of iconic figures like Cleopatra or Nefertiti, but where it really matters is in how we visualize “ordinary” Egyptians, whether in Hollywood films, K-12 textbooks, or museum displays.

Another issue for me would simply be the privileged status of Greece and Rome within the concept of classics as a discipline. There are good reasons for that emphasis, but it depends on what kinds of issues are being studied or taught at any given moment. If the focus of the moment is on the Iliad as a literary work, fine: we really don’t have much from other societies in the eastern Mediterranean that compares. If the focus is a broader canvas of historical development, there is no reason why Asia Minor, Persia, Phoenicia, and Egypt, among other societies, shouldn’t be within the framework of classics, broadly speaking.

This strikes me as particularly important when it comes to a question like, “Who invented mathematics?” or “Where did some of the important ideas attributed to classical Greek philosophers really come from?” In certain ways, Lefkowitz and Bernal shared the same blindspot, namely, a belief that most of the “inventions” that they furiously debated really did come from singular gifted individuals or elite schools of thought. They shared a common conceptual vocabulary for talking about “invention” or “creation”, just a difference about attribution. When I look as a generalist historian at the classical era in the Eastern Mediterranean, it seems possible to suppose that many principles of mathematics, science and philosophy attributed to individuals or to a particular civilization were in more general circulation throughout the region, voiced as much by sailors, merchants and courtiers as by philosophers and citizens. We get the story about Archimedes and his bathtub from a Roman source more than a century after Archimedes’ death. It seems plausible to imagine that Archimedes formalized, intellectualized and extended existing practical knowledge for measuring volume.

This is my general reply to all debates about ownership, appropriation and theft as they have appeared in a lot of Afrocentric discourse and other identity politics. As the saying goes, they’re “not even wrong”, meaning that there’s something so conceptually flawed about the idea of “stealing” something like philosophy or mathematics that responding to these arguments with factual counter-arguments about who really invented philosophy (as Lefkowitz largely did) almost misses the real problem. It’s true that images, metaphors, tropes, ideas, beliefs and so on can develop an association with a particular society or a subculture. But none of those are owned in any straightforward sense, none of that activity is neatly bounded by a single society or culture. At least some major Afrocentric thinkers were highly influenced by Cheikh Anta Diop’s distinctive diffusionism, a belief in an original or root culture from which all later social and cultural life derives. But at least some kinds of invocations of classical Greece and Rome in the modern West have the same diffusionism, a sense that the West is simply a later iteration or lineal descendent of a Greco-Roman (or Judeo-Christian) original. I think this kind of diffusionism is a misfire no matter who is peddling it. It’s not just that ideas, images and so on are always in circulation, but that they do not travel across time and space intact with the stamp of their creator firmly discernable upon them. (Otherwise, if I can be forgiven a side comment on Diop and Bernal, the modern West is an African civilization, having stolen all of Africa’s original inventions.)

The next problem for me at this point is that I recognize that a lot of Afrocentric writing is striving to invent another kind of epistemology. Not Diop or Bernal: both of them are heavily dependent upon the norms of scholarly thought and practice, and therefore rightfully subject to criticism from them. (In methodological terms, I think Diop is in fact heavily and anachronistically Eurocentric, making heavy use of historical, archaeological and biological frameworks from the first half of the 20th Century.) Molefi Kete Asante, on the other hand, (in various and sometimes contradictory ways) has tried to imagine a different kind of epistemology that depends on mysterious or interior ways of knowing, on experience, on will or commitment, on structures of feeling. In that respect, he’s more typical of Afrocentric thought both inside and outside the academy.

I am like Lefkowitz in thinking that this kind of epistemology comprehensively breaks with important scholarly norms. On some level, I feel that the more comprehensive the break, the more that such a dissenting epistemology really needs to seek a new institutional home for itself, to leave the academy as it stands. But do I really think that consistently, and does she? Do we really want to chase all epistemological dissidents out of colleges and universities? What about a scholar who comes to feel that practice, rather than knowledge, ought to be the main source of intellectual authority in their field? How about the scholar of Christianity who accepts that there are ways of spiritual knowing in Christianity which can’t be captured or represented by conventional scholarly forms and claims, and that it is a scholarly obligation to try and think from within those ways of knowing? What about a literary critic interested in the sublime, or some other aspect of creativity or representation that can’t be fully described within scholarly knowledge by its very nature? What about studio artists, novelists, performers whose practice isn’t scholarly in the way that history or physics are? What about a scholar who argues, for principled reasons, that some issue within their own discipline cannot be known by scholarly inquiry?

On some level, Afrocentrists are quite right that in the history of Africa (and in contemporary African societies) there are other ways of knowing about the world, many of them quite structured, with potential for formalization and institutional use. Arguing that those ways of knowing have no place in universities (while other inventions or dissident forms do have a place) takes some heavy intellectual lifting.

If we cleaned house of all epistemological dissent, we would not only impoverish our scholarship and teaching, we would remove the ongoing ferment of skepticism that we all need for the continued health and renewal of scholarly life. This is my problem about some of the academics and outsiders who call for a return to the canon, about back-to-the-basics, about traditions and core curricula. They take it for granted that the value of these practices is already long since understood, that there is no need to renew an argument on their behalf. In this sense, Afrocentrism did Mary Lefkowitz a favor: she had to think about and then communicate why she valued the intellectual and institutional practices that she rose to defend. I don’t think in that sense that John Leo does Lefkowitz much of a favor by just using her as another pawn on the Culture War chessboard. Defending one form of scholarly practice from the argument that there are other important ways of knowing isn’t an easy job, but a hard one.

For the Next Debate…

April 17th, 2008

I am dying to know how the candidates feel about Sacco and Vanzetti, the Teapot Dome scandal, and Boss Tweed.

If the Weather Underground is important enough to come up at a debate, surely those are too.

Alternatively, I’d settle for various episodes of Boomer Generational Trauma going the fuck away for a couple of decades.

Cruelest Month

April 16th, 2008

For everyone else, April is the month where nature springs back to life, love is in the air, pleasant days and good feelings.

I feel like in the academic calendar, April is the equivalent of winter. The year is dying, disappointments abound, there is frantic work to harvest whatever is left of this year’s efforts. I can’t remember an April since I began work as a professor where I felt relaxed and in control, except years when I was on leave. I always stumble into May out of energy, horribly behind in everything. I think I see the same in at least some of my students and many of my colleagues.

As long as I’m talking workload, here’s one modest riposte to the refrain that academics only teach a few hours a week and that’s the sum total of their job. This weekend, I have to finish grading approximately 70 4-5 page papers from two classes. I timed myself the other day: I spend on average about 15 minutes per paper reading and marking. That adds up to a lot of hours before it’s done.

I’ve got some more substantive entries stored up. If I can catch my breath a bit, I’ll try to push those out over the next few days.

Playing Reindeer Games

April 8th, 2008

In her op-ed on Robert Mugabe, Heidi Holland portrays him partially as a wayward child of Western civilization who has his nose pressed against the glass, hoping to be invited back in from the cold from whence his “heathen granny” came. In her interview with him, Holland writes, Mugabe “expressed almost tearful regret at his inability to socialize with the Queen of England”.

It’s easy to laugh this portrait off as a product of Holland’s own naivete. I know that I no longer accept the view that Mugabe was once committed to national reconciliation after 1980 and somehow lost that commitment along the way, a trope that Holland recycles in her essay. Looking back, what I see instead is Mugabe’s typically hard-nosed assessment of the power available to him at the time. He and the core of his party needed time to gain control of the mechanisms of the state they had inherited, to consolidate national power. I do not think it was an accident that he turned on rival nationalists before dealing with other potential opponents, including the white farmers, trade unionists and the tattered remnants of a liberal civil society that the Rhodesians had done their best to destroy before Mugabe ever took power. I think the Mugabe who ruthlessly took control of his own party before independence, stalled with reconciliation tactics after independence, and flushed his nation’s economy down the toilet are pretty much the same person, acting with similar underlying impulses in all those situations.

That said, I think Holland is also right that he wants the respect of the West and inclusion within the contours of what colonial society in Africa defined as “civilization”. Mugabe has put his personal stamp on this desire: the steely Jesuitical temperment, the fastidiousness and relative minimalism of his public presentation, the building of a strong state apparatus that centers on his personal authority but is not reducible to a cult of personality. (Whatever else its problems might be, Zimbabwe does not suffer from a failure of state capacity or a weak sovereignty: the state has real, persistent power throughout most of its territory, very much including a monopoly on violence.) He doesn’t exhibit the romantic Europhilia of Leopold Senghor, or the eccentric Homburg-wearing hippiephobia of Hastings Banda. Mugabe doesn’t indulge in the kid-in-the-candy-store splurges of the most vulgar of postcolonial African leaders (though he has plenty of ill-gotten gains from his time in power), or hanker to build a reputation for being a reliable subscriber to the Washington Consensus like Museveni or Rowlings, so as to get an invitation or two to Davos from time to time.

One of the basic problems in studying modern African history is that African experience is most copiously represented back to knowledge-making by people who were the most transformed by colonial rule and the most conflicted about that transformation. In some ways, this is the same reason that identity politics within Western societies often finds its most tenacious adherents not among the most marginal or excluded subjects but among middle classes and aspirants who are both trying to preserve fragile and hard-won access to professional or bourgeois life and secure further pathways for aspiration through arguments about identity, history and social justice.

Just observing that African nationalist politics came into being out of frustration and rage by nationalist elites or evolues at their racially-based exclusion from the ranks of “civilized men” is not a critique. It’s boring and simple-minded to write this history off as hypocrisy or contradiction. However, African nationalism has tended to regard such an analysis as an attack precisely because its usual mythological reinventions after post-independence consolidations of power describe African nation-states as the product of the massification of nationalism in the march to independence. Calling attention to the social history of African nationalism, its historical particularism, is a rebuke to African nationalism’s ideology whether we wish to make that rebuke or not.

Scorning or mocking the nationalist’s earnest desire for inclusion in some aspect of the “civilizing mission” is just another kind of hating the hybrid, the cosmopolitan, the miscegenated, the “man of two worlds”. Mugabe is not distinguished from other African elites, or modern political classes in general, in his desire to be taken seriously by Queen Elizabeth and Tony Blair, to be authenticated not just as a been-to but a have-become. When Chief Munhuwepayi Mangwende was deposed by the Rhodesian government in 1960, at least one of the reasons was the bitter jealousy of a local white district officer who resented that the chief had access to high British society while the white bureaucrat did not.

One of the most interesting things I’ve ever read in an archive is a letter from David Gurupira to the Chief Native Commissioner of Southern Rhodesia in 1938. As I read it, Gurupira isn’t a simple collaborator, motivated by calculating self-interest. Instead, I think he’s someone who has assessed and imagined aspects of the colonizer’s world and power and wants to selectively include himself within some of what he envisions it to be. He hasn’t lost himself, or forgotten his history. His mind hasn’t been colonized. He isn’t slavish or empty. The officials who received his letter were not the imperial buffoons that we often see in stereotypical accounts, either. They understood what Gurupira was saying: “his facts are substantially correct”. The tragedy of colonialism is that they could only offer to him the right to bear arms, rather than acknowledge his claims or open up their own power to his gentle demands.

This might sound as if I’m agreeing with Holland that the West need only embrace Mugabe and give him his due, invite him into the social apparatus of global power, grant him the cultural capital to which he is entitled. By no means. When we condemn Mugabe harshly, when we make of him a pariah, we are including him. The most condescending, exclusionary option would be to pat him on the head like a good little non-Westerner and say, “Well, he doesn’t know any better, the little tyke. He can’t help being an authoritarian. Besides, isn’t it our own fault anyway that he is? We did promise to help out with land reform, chaps.” As long as we’re even-handed in demanding liberty everywhere always, as long as we don’t hold Mugabe accountable for actions that are forgiven of reliable authoritarian clients, as long as we don’t excuse fraud, corruption, cronyism and the concentration of unaccountable executive power when it is expedient for our own purposes, then the harshest attacks on Mugabe’s conduct as a political leader are just as welcoming as a royal reception with Queen Elizabeth II.

The Ministers for Omnipotent Ruritania Offer You a Deal

April 4th, 2008

I had two separate reactions to Heidi Holland’s op-ed about Robert Mugabe, so I’ll blog about it twice.

Holland argues that Western nations should make peace with Robert Mugabe, partly on the grounds that a punitive approach has accomplished nothing and left no avenues for wheedling or persuading Mugabe to act differently than he does. On one level, this is just the old merry-go-round of sanctions or shunning versus “constructive engagement” taking another spin. That’s an argument that I find bitterly futile when it’s voiced in terms of absolutes: it is always a situational question. I find Holland’s take on Mugabe accurate enough (that’s my other reaction, see the next essay), but I don’t think that a sympathetic or constructive approach to Mugabe is any more likely to persuade him to do the right thing.

On a deeper level, though, Holland’s argument makes me think about another class of interminable debates about how outside powers should construct incentives that encourage authoritarians to give up power and discourage kleptocrats from robbing their own countries blind. In Zimbabwe, the MDC has started offering assurances to military leaders that they will not be prosecuted for their actions under the Mugabe regime, and that the MDC will not confiscate property they may have acquired in the last decade except under pre-1997 rules of land reform. Before the general seizure of commercial farms, the Zimbabwean government reserved the right to redistribute farms that were run by absentee owners, or that were left fallow for lengthy periods of time, or in cases where a single owner controlled multiple commercial farms. I don’t think that will necessarily reassure generals or party bigwigs, since many of them now own multiple former commercial farms that they leave largely fallow and on which they are absentee owners.

In any event, I don’t think it will be long before political scientists, economists and policy wonks outside of Zimbabwe start debating whether or not a public assurance to kleptocratic elites that they will be allowed to keep their ill-gotten gains sends the wrong incentive signals or creates a moral hazard or conversely, uses incentives properly to resolve an otherwise intractable situation. This is the same discussion that has been running for a while about whether genocide tribunals or other attempts to prosecute deposed dictators and military leaders for crimes against humanity help to discourage future incidents by promising that there will be consequences, or make authoritarians even more doggedly determined to hold onto power and more inclined to view all outside mediation as hostile or dangerous.

In the comments on a previous entry, Peter55 quite rightly wonders whether I really mean to be talking in this way about decision-making processes within Mugabe’s inner circle. I don’t mean to, because I largely dislike this entire conceptual framework. As Peter observes, it is frequently involves a misapplication of abstract models of human action and motivation to the real world. I find Freakonomics an interesting set of thought-experiments, but when we have to roll up our sleeves and deal with the fullness of human life as it is lived in any given time and place, we find that real people aren’t perfectly playing Prisoner’s Dilemma, aren’t weighing incentive structures, aren’t universal machines for maximizing utility, aren’t clearly running through the information available to them. They’re bound by the specificities of culture, by the inheritances of time, by limits of space, but also individuals can act in idiosyncratic, whimsical, creative or indeterminate ways. Models are an attempt to preemptively discount human unpredictability and invention and then to post-facto explain it as something which we always knew would happen anyway.

Perhaps even more importantly, however, I find the hubris of debates about whether or not this or that set of signals about incentives should be sent, or whether this or that action will have predictable futureward effects a kind of distasteful self-crowning by a transnational class of policy-makers and academic experts. When such a group sits down and asks, “Should we prosecute deposed dictators for their crimes against humanity in order to discourage future dictators, or should we avoid prosecuting them so as to give dictators incentives to leave office peacefully”, they’re imagining themselves as the philosopher-kings of a shadow state that is actually able to make those kinds of dispensations, actually able to calibrate incentives reliably. Sure, most of these kinds of experts will agree that we’re not there yet, but many see these kinds of conversations as the building blocks of that future global order.

So even if we understand people like Mugabe and his inner circle as calculating, incentive-evaluating, rational deciders, I think there is every reason for them to laugh behind closed doors at the hubris of the experts and activists, whatever the latest policy nostrum on tribunals, interventions, sanctions, golden parachutes or so on might be. Because what anyone outside of the rarified settings where generic 12-point plans for peacemaking and incentivizing prosecutions for genocide are composed knows is that every such action is and will be sui generis. The sand castles that the experts build today around one case will be washed away by the tides of history in short order. What happened in the end to Charles Taylor or Auguste Pinochet or Saddam Hussein or Slobodan Milosevic has little implication for tomorrow’s dictator and mass murderer. Because the people who play with constructing the machinery of incentive aspire to a kind of reliable managerial authority that they will never have, they are writing blank checks that no one will ever cash. Whether or not someone like Robert Mugabe dies peacefully in his bed, lives out his last years far from his home country, ends up in a pleasant prison while the United Nations dithers for a decade over his fate, is shot by an up-and-coming rival, or ends up torn to shreds by a mob is a matter of particular circumstance. That’s probably something most authoritarians know already, having ridden the vissitudes of history as far as they have.